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蒋万安是否帮民众党站台引蓝营热议 名嘴：若主动帮忙百利无一害_我的网站

A |     Following Hamas' attack on Israel, the United States has sent a clear message of deterrence to prevent the conflict from spreading.To "anyone thinking of taking advantage of this situation," President Joe Biden said during an address on Tuesday, "I have one word: Don't."The rhetoric has since been repeated by others in the administration, with National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan telling reporters that they believe militia groups across the region "pose an urgent threat" and could "choose to try to exploit" the situation.On ABC News Live at 8:30 p.m. on Thursday, Oct. 12, ABC News' James Longman, Matt Gutman and Ian Pannell look at the horrendous toll from Hamas' massacre, the Israelis and Palestinians caught in the middle and what comes next."We have been sending clear warnings that doing so will result in a firm response and consequences from the United States," Sullivan said Tuesday.National Security Council spokesman John Kirby told reporters Wednesday there's a "long list of actors in the region that are hostile to Israel," including Hezbollah, the Iran-backed Lebanese militant group.The administration has also offered its full support to Israel, with Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin telling reporters in Brussels on Thursday that the U.S. is not placing conditions on the military aid it's providing to Israel. The U.S. additionally moved a carrier strike group into the eastern Mediterranean as part of its deterrence measures."We're sending a loud and clear message: The United States is ready to take action should any actor hostile to Israel consider trying to escalate or widen this war," Kirby said Wednesday.How impactful those gestures will be on the raging war remains uncertain. The U.S. has limited leverage in the region, though does need to be careful to not further escalate the conflict, foreign policy experts said. The Biden administration is also likely keen to not get heavily involved, experts said."If Hezbollah or the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps or some other militant group from a neighboring country decides to get involved and attack Israel at this time, I don't think the United States is going to do anything more than it's currently doing -- which is offering Israel whatever it needs to defend itself," Ralph Carter, a professor of political science at Texas Christian University, told ABC News.Biden has historically been "cautious" in sending U.S. troops into battle, Carter said. "His experience in Washington over 40 years or more suggests that once you start something like that, you have no idea where it's going to end."Kirby said Thursday that there are no active plans or intentions to send U.S. troops to join a potential ground war in Israel and Gaza. The U.S. has deployed its largest carrier group, the USS Gerald R. Ford, to the region as an act of deterrence, officials said."The United States has moved military assets in the region, but I really do find it doubtful that the Biden administration really wants to get heavily involved militarily," Russell Lucas, a professor of international relations and global studies at Michigan State University, told ABC News.Israel's powerful military is also capable of defending itself against Hamas and other militant groups, experts noted, which may limit what it needs from the U.S. and act as another deterrent."The requirements on the U.S. defense industry I think are maybe not as heavy as they might be if we were talking about a weaker ally," Adria Lawrence, the Aronson Associate Professor of International Studies and Political Science at Johns Hopkins University, said during a public briefing on the conflict.In recent days there have been some limited military engagements on Israel's northern border with Lebanon, though Hezbollah may be deterred from getting drawn into a larger conflict with Israel, experts said."They will pay dearly for entering the conflict," Lucas said. "I think most actors [in the region] know that at the end of the day, the most military-capable actor is Israel, so there is a deterrence factor."Given Israel's known military prowess, the Biden administration's rhetoric may be stronger than necessary, Lucas said."I think it's more the Biden administration is aiming especially at the domestic audience -- trying to reassert that kind of bully pulpit of the commander-in-chief role, especially in the face of perhaps critiques from the Republican Party that Biden isn't strong enough," he said.At the same time, the U.S. does need to be careful about making any threats, experts said."Words matter and if President Biden's making a commitment and making kind of an implicit threat, he needs to remember the risks that are inherent in making a red line," Lucas said. "President Obama's red line in Syria -- do not use chemical weapons -- that was then not followed up was viewed as one of Obama's biggest foreign policy failures."Sarah Parkinson, the Aronson Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Studies at JHU, said during the university's briefing that these comments by U.S. officials "will likely embolden extremists on both sides" and prolong the conflict.Following Biden's remarks, Hezbollah said they will not back down and are "ready for confrontation," while the top leader of the Islamist armed organization Houthis in Yemen said that if the U.S. intervenes militarily in Gaza, they will send munitions and fighters to support Hamas.In efforts to deescalate the conflict, the U.S. could help mobilize other countries in the region, according to James Steinberg, the dean of the School of Advanced International Studies at JHU and former Deputy Secretary of State during the Obama administration."It's not that the United States itself is going to broker a resolution of this, but it can engage others, all of whom have a stake in not seeing the situation escalate," Steinberg said during the university's briefing, noting the discussions that have been taking place between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, the UAE and others.Secretary of State Antony Blinken told reporters Thursday at a press conference in Israel that they are working with their partners in the region to ensure "that there will not be a second front or a third front."Steinberg said a wider war "can't be ruled out," and the effectiveness of the U.S.' response to deescalate is "uncertain" -- likening it to its support of Israel in 1973 during the Yom Kippur War."Here as then, the United States has limited impact and limited leverage," he said. "Perhaps even less so today than it did in 1973."。    AI摘要      台媒人分析台北选情，指绿营配票难行，民众党候选人受挤压。建议蒋万安主动为白营站台，此举可化解蓝白对立、广结善缘，对国民党百利无害。

B |          年底台北市议员选战在即，台北市长蒋万安是否为民众党参选人站台，成为蓝营内部热议焦点。外界传出国民党台北市党部已有共识，认为蒋万安不宜替民众党个别候选人站台。对此，台湾媒体人朱凯翔、名嘴董智森同台解析选区战局，直言蒋万安主动帮白营站台百利无一害，并精准分析大安文山选区选票结构，预判民进党若顺利拿下多席席位，将直接挤压民众党候选人张志豪的当选空间。

C |     董智森17日分析大安文山选区现况，本届参选格局相较往年有所变化，过往看板曝光度极高的民进党参选人陈圣文，今年宣传力度明显收敛。

D | 选区新人刘品妡、深耕基层的王闵生也具备一定实力。

E | 整体选票局势来看，倘若民进党拿下大安文山4席、加上台北市议员苗博雅一席合计5席，搭配国民党稳固的8席底盘，蓝绿合计13席基本盘，最大受挤压、最挣扎的就是民众党张志豪。    针对选区弃保配票态势，两人进一步拆解绿营内部问题。外界普遍认为陈圣文是绿营最可能落选的人选，主要原因是其“家境优渥”的标签容易流失中间选票。绿营虽有意透过配票、弃保等策略保全员当选，但现实难以落地。    董智森指出，大安文山绿营最强人选为台北市议员简舒培、苗博雅，两人实力稳居前段，即便不密集扫街拜票也能稳稳当选。其中简舒培长期以监督台北市政府、杠蒋万安制造新闻声量，基本盘稳固。值得关注的是，简舒培、苗博雅正在角逐未来民代席位，两人存在激烈的内部竞争，选票高度重叠。朱凯翔也补充，简舒培即便被动配合配票也心有不甘，而立场鲜明的苗博雅绝对不会参与配票，绿营全员保席策略根本无法执行。    话题转回蓝白站台争议，朱凯翔直言，蒋万安主动站台绝对是双赢布局。他举例，民众党张志豪此前曾与苗博雅共同参与公馆地下道拆除抗议活动，不排除后续争取蒋万安站台。反观部分泛白、无党籍参选人，平日时常阴阳怪气批评台北市政府，甚至如台北市议员陈宥丞曾在內湖淹水事件中跟风民进党攻击台北市政府。    朱凯翔认为，若这些平日批评台北市政府的候选人主动求站台，蒋万安大方相助，既能广结善缘、让对方欠下人情，也能让选民看清对手双面态度。若对方不敢登门求助，蓝营也无需主动关闭合作大门，避免落人口实。    董智森最后总结，蒋万安可主动释出善意，直接询问台北民众党6位参选人是否需要市长站台助选，这套操作对国民党、蒋万安个人形象百利而无一害，同时能巧妙化解蓝白对立舆论、瓦解绿营造势话术。

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